Good Quote, Bad Quote

Just so we’re clear: this is a bad quote, before I get some attack chihuahua from Inaccuracy in Academia talking about how I hate America based on reading this.

Re-reading Data Trash briefly after pulling it down for cataloging, and finding myself profoundly annoyed all over again. You want a book that demonstrates the excesses of theory (while sometimes offering seductively cool-sounding quasi-literary flourishes that basically mean nothing), this is a good example.

“Advertisements are sunshine reports for reclining flesh. The body electronic finds its mirrored double in their panoramic, but frenzied, scans of the crash body as it moves from flesh to virtuality. Not scenes of a future yet to unfold, but of a semiurgical, virtual past that the electronic body has already experienced. Certainly not a machinery of solicitation for manipulable masses, but a bio-apparatus of dissuasion for virtualized flesh. A ‘strange attractor,’ advertising is a massive defensive armature created by the mediascape to win back virtualized flesh to the logistics of desire. However, the bio-net of advertising must fail because the body electronic has already vectored along the vapor trail of virtual reality, leaving behind only a brilliant, because ghostly, halo-effect marking its disappearance from earthly space.” p. 36

Posted in Good Quote, Bad Quote | 4 Comments

Some Things I’ve Discovered Using Readerware and LibraryThing

I’m having tons of fun cataloging my books. If anyone’s been watching the LibraryThing bloglet in my sidebar, it’s been oscillating wildly between my Africanist collection in the office and my science fiction shelves at home at various points during the day.

But anyway, a couple of little notes:

1. Don’t ever title a book “The Ties That Bind”. It may not be the most used title ever, but it’s pretty close.

2. Wow, do I ever have a lot of books from before the days of UPN/ISBN swipeable codes.

3. If you’re putting out a more recent edition of an old textbook in African history, especially one that you’ve only done minimal updates on, the easy way to demonstrate that it’s a recent edition is to put Nelson Mandela on the cover. I lost count of how many Africanist books have followed this strategy somewhere around number #12 or so.

4. Academic monographs from as recently as 1992 or so look like they were published in the Stone Age. In fact, sometimes they look older than books from the 1970s and 1980s. There’s a really interesting explosion of better cover designs for academic works, even monographs, in the later 1990s.

5. I had no idea how many books I own duplicate copies of until I tackled this.

6. I also had forgotten how many weird and old books I had. Also how many books I’ve actually brought home from southern Africa over a decade and a half of travelling there.

7. Also I had forgotten how many times I’ve evidently cleaned out Acres of Books of Africanist stuff. I must have every single “jungle doctor” book ever published. (Acres of Books is my favorite used book store in the world. I’ve also cleaned them out of their entire shelf of futurist books, twice. But I haven’t gotten to those yet in my catalog.)

Posted in Books | 5 Comments

From the Mixed-Up Bookshelves: Reader’s Digest Illustrated History of South Africa

The Reader’s Digest Illustrated History of South Africa (subtitled The Real Story), in the revised third edition, is the best historical textbook I have ever seen. I’d assign this book in a second in relevant classes.

Only problem is that it’s not available in the U.S. any longer. I forgot to check to see if they’re still selling it in South Africa. I once saw a stack of 40 of them selling for $1.99 each in the local Borders, and I bought every single one of them right there and then and then sold them to my Southern Africa class that semester so we could use it that semester. (I kept two for myself.)

Anybody who’s thinking of working on or publishing a textbook should take a look at it. First off, it’s just loaded with pictures, maps, and timelines, which are the main thing I really want a textbook to provide–not the crappy, amateurish or overly busy ones that often come in US-published textbooks. Second, the essays in the book are accessible without being condescending, and they have a distinctive point-of-view without being ideological or axe-grinding. They give a solid narrative and analytic overview of a lot of key events and themes in South African history, and lead nicely into the kind of analysis that monographs and more detailed works can provide.

By comparison, I find most of the textbooks on world, European and American history that major US publishers keep sending to me for examination (I don’t request them, they send out these twelve-ton doorstoppers with cheerful abandon) utterly turgid, blandly inoffensive, boring. I don’t generally teach courses for which they’re appropriate, but even if I did, I wouldn’t even dream of using them.

Posted in Africa, Books, The Mixed-Up Bookshelves | Comments Off on From the Mixed-Up Bookshelves: Reader’s Digest Illustrated History of South Africa

Great Americans!!!!!! Like Plato!

As you all know, I’m against snarkiness and mockery and so on.

So please excuse the following lapse. But after being directed by Scott Eric Kaufman to this short commentary on footnoting distributions in Critical Inquiry, I really couldn’t help myself. I could write a very serious, respectful, careful response, but there comes a time where there’s really not much point to doing that.

So without further ado, I give you a look inside the American history required course that would meet with law student Laura Ventura’s approval. I’d describe it in my best Eddie Izzard voice as “a course about Great Americans, just so full of Greatness that the Greatness is oozing out of their ears and mouths and making a mess on the floor. They’re just that Great.”

————————————-

Great Americans 101

Week 1 THOMAS JEFFERSON!!!!!

Professor Jones: Thomas Jefferson was a GREAT AMERICAN. He was a President. And very great. Patriotic as well, because you have to be patriotic to be President. He was so patriotic that he was pro-American before America EVEN EXISTED!!!! He was so patriotic that he is on our money. He purchased Louisiana, well, actually way more than Louisiana, also Alabama and Ohio and lots of other places. He wrote the Declaration of Independence! And signed the Constitution! There is a statue of him in Washington DC!!! Not just a statue but a whole big memorial!!! You cannot be more of a GREAT AMERICAN than him.

Unpatriotic Anti-American Student Brainwashed by Liberal Professors (UAASBLP): Didn’t Jefferson own slaves while also writing about liberty?

Professor Jones: Back then, owning slaves was patriotic. And Great. Then later it wasn’t. But we’ll talk about Lincoln later in the course. He’s also on our money, by the way.

UAASBLP: Wasn’t Jefferson a fierce advocate of the separation of church and state? And a dedicated critic of most organized religion?

Professor Jones: You have him confused with unpatriotic anti-American liberals. Anyway, we know enough about Jefferson’s GREATNESS now. See you next week!

Week 2 MARK TWAIN!!!!!!

Professor Jones: Mark Twain was a GREAT AMERICAN WRITER!!!! He wrote about the Mississippi River and Tom Sawyer and the Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court and so on. And he was an awesome patriot full of Americanness. He is also an excellent subject for a one-man show on Broadway!!! Americans loved his writing when he was alive and we love it even more now. He was also called Samuel Clemens. Unamerican liberals don’t like to cite Twain’s theorizing in their courses on theory.

UAASBLP: Inspired by this week’s theme, I read a Mark Twain story called “The War Prayer”. Here’s the first paragraph:

“It was a time of great and exalting excitement. The country was up in arms, the war was on, in every breast burned the holy fire of patriotism; the drums were beating, the bands playing, the toy pistols popping, the bunched firecrackers hissing and spluttering; on every hand and far down the receding and fading spread of roofs and balconies a fluttering wilderness of flags flashed in the sun; daily the young volunteers marched down the wide avenue gay and fine in their new uniforms, the proud fathers and mothers and sisters and sweethearts cheering them with voices choked with happy emotion as they swung by; nightly the packed mass meetings listened, panting, to patriot oratory which stirred the deepest deeps of their hearts, and which they interrupted at briefest intervals with cyclones of applause, the tears running down their cheeks the while; in the churches the pastors preached devotion to flag and country, and invoked the God of Battles beseeching His aid in our good cause in outpourings of fervid eloquence which moved every listener. It was indeed a glad and gracious time, and the half dozen rash spirits that ventured to disapprove of the war and cast a doubt upon its righteousness straightway got such a stern and angry warning that for their personal safety’s sake they quickly shrank out of sight and offended no more in that way.”

Professor Jones: Sounds good to me! Very patriotic!!!

UAASBLP: Well, but then a mysterious stranger shows up and offers a prayer that includes this: “O Lord our Father, our young patriots, idols of our hearts, go forth to battle — be Thou near them! With them — in spirit — we also go forth from the sweet peace of our beloved firesides to smite the foe. O Lord our God, help us to tear their soldiers to bloody shreds with our shells; help us to cover their smiling fields with the pale forms of their patriot dead; help us to drown the thunder of the guns with the shrieks of their wounded, writhing in pain; help us to lay waste their humble homes with a hurricane of fire; help us to wring the hearts of their unoffending widows with unavailing grief; help us to turn them out roofless with little children to wander unfriended the wastes of their desolated land in rags and hunger and thirst, sports of the sun flames of summer and the icy winds of winter, broken in spirit, worn with travail, imploring Thee for the refuge of the grave and denied it — for our sakes who adore Thee, Lord, blast their hopes, blight their lives, protract their bitter pilgrimage, make heavy their steps, water their way with their tears, stain the white snow with the blood of their wounded feet! We ask it, in the spirit of love, of Him Who is the Source of Love, and Who is the ever-faithful refuge and friend of all that are sore beset and seek His aid with humble and contrite hearts. Amen.”

Professor Jones: Very great! I think we should reintroduce this marvelous prayer, it sounds very useful!

UAASBLP: Er, Twain concludes by calling the mysterious stranger a “lunatic”.

Professor Jones: Obviously you don’t understand Twain’s uses of allegory and synecdoche and allusion very well, because if you knew about all those literary things you’d know you’re not supposed to read that last sentence literally. Or at all.

UAASBLP: Twain also wrote about the American involvement in the Phillipines. He said, “I am an anti-imperialist. I am opposed to having the eagle put its talons on any other land.” And also, “I bring you the stately matron named Christendom, returning bedraggled, besmirched and dishonored from pirate-raids in Kiao-Chou, Manchuria, South Africa and the Philippines, with her soul full of meanness, her pocket full of boodle and her mouth full of pious hypocrisies. Give her the soap and a towel, but hide the looking-glass.” And, “Who are the oppressors? The few: the king, the capitalist and a handful of other overseers and superintendents. Who are the oppressed? The many: the nations of the earth; the valuable personages; the workers; they that make the bread that the soft-handed and idle eat.”

Professor Jones: I guess it’s time for me to remind people of the importance of taking careful notes. You were reading Noam Chomsky, obviously, and weren’t careful enough with your note taking, so you got confused and thought you were reading Mark Twain. Mark Twain is picket fences and Americanness!!! He is GREAT! If you could just remember that, you wouldn’t get confused and know when you’re reading Chomsky and when you’re reading Twain.

Week 3: ARISTOTLE!!!!

Professor Jones: Aristotle was a very GREAT AMERICAN!! You know he was because there are anti-American liberal thinkers like Derrida who just want to make tons of money by trying to discredit him. Aristotle did philosophy, but don’t worry, he did the good kind that helps make America more GREAT!!! Most classes should start with Aristotle because he comes first and is part of our heritage. He isn’t on any money, though.

UAASBLP: Er, wasn’t Aristotle Greek?

Professor Jones: One of the great things about America is that you can come here and become an American. Though it’s also a great thing that we stop people from coming here and becoming Americans. Greeks are ok, though.

UAASBLP: I mean, a Greek from thousands of years ago.

Professor Jones: Your point being?

UAASBLP: Wasn’t the entire scientific revolution of the 16th through 18th Century aimed at discrediting much of Aristotle, or at least the dogmatic systematizaton of Aristotle in medieval Christian theology? Does that make Copernicus a self-promoting liberal?

Professor Jones: I’m afraid that creation science is taught in another department.

Posted in Academia | 2 Comments

From the Mixed-Up Bookshelves: “Homelands, Harlem and Hollywood”

Rob Nixon’s published work seems to me like a good direction for the more public, accessible side of scholarly discourse to be heading over the long haul, particularly his 2001 book Dreambirds. That could be what we’re looking for out of a scholarly career come 2030 or so, that everyone try to write one “Dreambirds” in thirty years of scholarly study. But this collection of essays is also an attractive model, and one I wish more scholars would try to emulate. Rather than trying to construct everything that is interesting to you at the moment into a tight monograph with a single argument, write a series of looser, more thematic pieces with some general connections to one another. (I don’t like Nixon’s book on Naipaul nearly as much: it seems to me to belong that moment when it was fashionable in a kind of churlish or shallow way to hiss at Naipaul. I say this as a former hisser.)

Anyway, I do remember reading Homelands with great interest in 1994, despite the fact that my copy was missing pages 53-84. This was when Routledge seemed determined to publish bazillions of books, “conference anthologies” of every single convocation of scholars in cultural studies, postcolonial theory and the like, while also having perhaps one copy editor on staff, so a book with thirty missing pages seemed kind of par for the course for them at that point. What I enjoyed about it is that it seemed to qualify as scholarship while also being readable, and while Nixon was very much concerned to demonstrate his political credentials, as every single intellectual working on South Africa in the late 1980s and early 1990s felt compelled to, the essays weren’t just delivery vehicles for whatever “struggle message” had come out of the South African left at the moment. (Of course, this was four years after Albie Sachs had suggested a five-year moratorium on regarding culture as a “weapon of the struggle”.)

Many of the essays in the volume do not hold up well: there is the “just-in-time” quality that a lot of cultural studies writing had in the 1990s, where there is a feeling that the analysis is being written to deliver a particular move in a Gramsican war of position. Sometimes where you’d like Nixon to just be exploratory, playful, appreciative of the messiness of past and present cultural production, he drags the subjects at hand kicking and screaming to a much more canned or preordained kind of political argument–say, for example, in his extravagant and uncritical praise of the “grass-roots left” of the South African 80s (e.g., the UDF, COSATU, and so on) against unspecified off-stage elements of the ANC who Nixon agreed lacked democratic commitments. This claim he makes in reply to Conor Cruise O’Brien’s skepticism about the ANC. Or his accurate comment that the apartheid regime was singled out internationally for the way that it wrote racism into law, without much interest in the complex implications of that difference in terms of liberalism, subjectivity, governmentality, the architecture of the state, the way law circulates as an idea in global culture, and so on (he makes the comment by way of delivering the then-conventional progressive argument that this would just make South African an “ordinary” kind of unjust society against which our struggle needs to be even more intensely directed.)

I’m less struck by some of the inaccuracy of Nixon’s readings of the political scene of that moment, because most of us were wildly wrong in our expectations about South Africa from the late 1980s to the mid-1990s, and more struck just by the kind of complicated choreography of inter-left score-settling that was a big part of the South African intellectual scene in the 1980s and 1990s, the brandishing of struggle credentials and footnote rubbishing of ideological enemies while also trying to figure out how to put forth a fractional argumentative and political platform within the big tent of the anti-apartheid or nationalist position. Some of that is still with South African intellectuals. I was struck at how much of this style of thinking seems irrelevant now while talking with old friends and others this past month, but every once in a while it came roaring back. At one point during the conference I just attended, one speaker made a complimentary mention of some scholarly work by a South African academic that it had been fashionable to bash mercilessly a decade ago. It only took a few minutes for some of the old South African culture warriors to get their nationalist freak on and re-enact the bashing.

Still, Nixon was interested in a lot of subjects, issues and problems of contradiction in 1994 that a lot of the South African intelligentsia, especially historians, were not thinking about. He was anticipating how the fragmentation of the conventional wisdom of anti-apartheid thought was going to open up to a whole range of new complexities and subtleties.

Another thing I’m struck by in retrospect is the extent to which this book was a really skilled and readable example of a broadly distributed modality of cultural criticism that had a couple of underlying axioms built into it: that conflict in the domain of culture and representation was marked by deliberate, instrumental strategies, that representation had a relatively clear or coherent mapping into the political and vice-versa. Again, I’m saying this as someone who used to think rather similarly. As assumptions, these just now seem both empirically and theoretically barren to me, and I suspect Nixon too, since Dreambirds seems so much more appreciative of the organic and accidental way that culture and social life change over time.

Posted in Africa, Books, The Mixed-Up Bookshelves | 1 Comment

From the Mixed-Up Bookshelves: “African History For Beginners”

We have a bunch of the “For Beginners” books published by Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative (WRP) at home somewhere, almost all of them from when they came in fairly plain if stylish brown covers. Someone should write a book about the history of the WRP someday (I’m guessing maybe somebody already has? Here I’m doing the LazyWeb thing and hoping somebody will chime in with the appropriate citation).

The early books in the series were, I thought, not just informative but reasonably humorous and relatively non-dogmatic despite the strong radical bent of the WRP. That is, the books were clearly politically committed, but they didn’t mind poking gentle fun at the various Marxist, radical or other intellectual figures they set out to explain to their readers. In some ways, the early ones remind me of Action Philosophers, except that Action Philosophers is better.

But somewhere along the way, the books really started to suck. They became much more shrill, dogmatic, confusing, and they also started to lose the relatively disciplined sort of Western Marxism that provided a consistent argumentative perspective for most of the early books. In some ways, you could read the arc of the series as paralleling the fragmentation of the post-New Left Left, as the series became increasingly open to an identarian, multicultural perspective. That’s pretty much the “For Beginners” book on Africa: it’s narrated by a “griot” character who is your basic Afrocentric mishmash, offering a tour of Merrie Olde Africa before 1600. It’s not even so much the basic stance that bugs me, it’s that even as an illustrated, accessible tour of African history of this type, the book is confusing. I could see passing “Gramsci for Beginners” to a student and having that be useful, but I don’t know what anyone would get out of this one except for “Africans had big kingdoms and fabulous artwork and stuff like that”.

Anybody know more than I do about the intellectual and institutional history of this series or the Writers and Readers Cooperative?

Posted in Africa, Books, The Mixed-Up Bookshelves | 4 Comments

“Core Truths”

There was an interesting discussion a week back at Sherman Dorn’s blog about the Ward Churchill case. I’m sick of talking about Churchill, but the comments thread ultimately goes off in another direction that interests me more.

Dean Saitta observes in the comments, vis-a-vis Churchill’s scholarly errors, that “I’ve worked with native scholars, and I’ve learned from some of them that, at the end of the day, it’s the “general points” and “core truths” about their history that really matters, and what these points/truths mean for how they should live today. In other words, the issues are ones of both knowing and living.”

Ultimately I’m really concerned about a proposition that what we need is a kind of epistemological reform that legitimates any work that can be said to possess “core truths”, where said “core truths” are discerned by whether they reproduce epistemologies local to particular social groups or communities.

I think there’s every reason in the world to take a major intellectual interest in the problem of the difference between scholarly epistemologies and epistemologies outside the academy. I think that good scholarship can explore that difference in a great many ways, and be humble about that difference. For example, I think fiction can represent history in ways that scholarly history never can, in ways that are in some sense emotionally “true”. I think subalterns do speak, all the time, and that their experience and imagination of history is powerful, evocative, important.

I also think that the academy has in a great many ways done what Saitta calls for over the last two decades, that the humanities have invested enormous energy in thinking about other roads to truth, other ways of seeing and knowing, and particularly in the context of the relation between dominant and colonized populations. I find Saitta’s suggestion in the discussion thread at Sherman’s blog that the academy doesn’t seriously engage or struggle to understand Native American epistemologies baffling: there’s a pile of scholarly books as high as a sequoia that do just that. Postcolonial theory’s central problematic is the issue that Saitta frames as something that we have yet to grapple with or treat seriously.

I think it’s worth trying to figure out how intellectuals can operate in multiple arenas or discourses. Any anthropologist has to know how to sound “true” in conversation with ethnographic subjects and knows that this does not consist of verbatim readings of one’s scholarly work to them. Part of the trick of being a “public intellectual” is figuring out how to speak usefully and evocatively within the public sphere, which is not the same as speaking the narrower and more specialized language of scholarship.

But.

It strikes me as at least a catastrophically bad idea to try and actively efface the difference between scholarly standards of truth and practice and those of other communities. Because if we say, “Well, we should be much more broadly constructed: let’s have many other competing epistemologies and standards of truthful practice inside of the academy” then what’s the difference between the academy and the world? What’s our claim about the specialized services we provide which students ought to pay money for, for which we should examine the work of scholars and decide if it is worthy of tenure or publication? If the academy incorporates all or most ways of thinking and being in the world, then a student is just as well off never going to college and simply living. This is a possible argument, I suppose, but I doubt Dean Saitta or any other academic who makes a similar claim in the context of postcolonial theory or other arguments means to make it.

Worse, I think one could suggest that there’s a kind of situational dishonesty in raising the question of epistemological diversity in relation to Churchill, in that this is a one-time offer extended only to the “native epistemologies” which create a need to extend some other standard in this one case. This too strikes me as a common issue when this sort of epistemological generosity pops up: it’s extended only to particular groups or ways of seeing the world, with a murky and implied political justification for doing so. Were it a general proposition, then we’d have to accept as valid the “core truths” of Holocaust revisionism (which, after all, conforms to the epistemological sensibilities or habitus of existing communities of human beings) or creationism (this seems a particularly powerful example, given how widely distributed and deeply rooted it is in actually existing communities). What possible premise could allow you to extend an epistemological gangplank just to Native Americans and then pull it up before anyone else scrambles on board save for a belief this is “empowering” those that we tautologically are assumed to think should be empowered?

Quite aside from the problem of assuming the political virtue of doing so, I think it’s anything but clear that legitimating a distinctly non-scholarly epistemology inside academic discourse empowers those that hold to that epistemology: more likely all it does is slightly change the configuration of turf wars for academic resources within universities. More, I’ve come to believe that there’s a kind of hidden ethnocentrism or contempt buried within the argument for this kind of inclusiveness, that somehow Native Americans [or insert your preferred group here] need to have special “discursive reservations” carved out for them because they shouldn’t be compelled to operate within epistemological modernity, or under the sign of Enlightenment universalism. This suggestion tends to run smack into an equally pronounced demand in many scholarly circles that we regard modernity or liberalism or Enlightenment universalism as a mutually constructed artifact created out of the simultaneous experiences of all human beings over the last 200 years, that we concede “multiple modernities”. It would be one thing, again, if we granted such “discursive reservations” to everyone, to all possible social groups. Say, if we said, “Well, the people inside the White House operate within the context of their own local knowledge, and have their ‘core truths’, who are we to demand that they suborn themselves to our ‘reality-based’ understandings?”

But it never works that way: it’s only certain groups that we’re told must have their actions or interpretations of the world placed outside the bounds of general standards of truth or knowledge, because somehow their consciousness is so fragile or alien that it cannot survive in anything other than a sheltered safe space of its own. If there is or are “Native American epistemolog(ies)” as Saitta suggests, it’s been produced in dialogue, not in isolation; it is part of the world we made together, not alien from it. Other ways of being and seeing don’t need separate-but-equal standards created solely on their behalf in order to exert a powerful humbling force on positivistic or empirical visions of scholarly truth.

Posted in Academia | 6 Comments

Historian as Snoop: Experiencing the Archive

[cross-posted at Cliopatria]

One thing that I think historians bring to the academic table is their experience of working with archives of all kinds. Lots of scholarly disciplines are involved in going to libraries and databases for their evidence, but historians, at least potentially, have the greatest range of experience in working with heterogeneous documents and materials, and the greatest potential creativity in the ways they make use of those materials.

I also think, as I suspect most historians do, that archives are the best part of the discipline, the most enjoyable experience.

I’m in a field where I need to do some ethnographic research on many projects, but I can’t say as I’m particularly good at it in comparison to some of my friends in anthropology. More importantly, I don’t like doing it much: I find it a stressful chore. But an archive is a different matter: there’s almost nothing better than just getting a huge stack of old letters or reports and chomping through them with for half a day. In some ways, I like it best when the materials are relatively unorganized or unaccessioned and where I’m just on a fishing expedition, uncertain of what I want or what I might find. That kind of research is always an important cautionary reminder of what can happen when you enter an archive with overly narrow tunnel vision: you tend to ignore what is typical or representative about an entire class of documents in favor of your specific predefined needs.

So while spending a bit of time this past month in the Killie Campbell Africana Library in Durban, South Africa, I took a few days just to speculatively call up materials on a number of late 19th and early 20th Century officials who served as part of “native administration” in southern Africa. Killie Campbell isn’t the best archive in South Africa for doing that kind of work, not by a long shot, but there were still some interesting collections of papers of men who had a strong connection to KwaZulu-Natal in some respect.

I don’t think non-historians have a very clear understanding of what archival work is like: they either mystify it or make it banally like working in any library. I particularly think it’s hard to give many of our students a clear view of the pleasures and possibilities of archival research, as it compares to ordinary topical research. (This has a lot to do with what kinds of archives are proximate to any given university or college. I can’t do much pedagogically here at Swarthmore in my own major field of specialization, but my colleagues in American history have enormous riches at their beck and call.) So I thought maybe I’d talk here a bit about one of the files I looked at in Killie Campbell to give some sense of the process of reading through an archive.

I’d decided to order some of the files of a J.S. Marwick, a man who served in the local “native administration” in Zululand after the Anglo-Zulu War and was then appointed Assistant Secretary for Native Affairs in Johannesburg after the end of the South African War. I didn’t know much else about him besides the fact that he was a labor recruiter for the mines in the 1910s, but he fit the loose category of “early colonial officials” that I was primarily interested in.

Killie Campbell has a set of folders that describe the specific content of large manuscript collections, though the organization of a given folder can often seem fairly haphazard. I looked at the breakdown of the Marwick papers and decided to order several files labeled “Native Administration”. The first file I received, like most of the manuscript files in the collection, had the original copies of Marwick’s correspondence with carbon copies of transcriptions that were created by archivists at a later date. This is a blessing: much as it can be interesting to try and work with old handwriting, it’s a slow process.

1) The first letter I looked at was about Marwick’s reluctance to testify before a commission of inquiry, written to his superior.

At first it seemed routine bureaucratic procedure: “I understand that all evidence required in regard to the policy and administration of the Dept. is to be tendered by you, and properly so for you have been associated with the treatment of questions of policy and with the organization of the Dept. from the date of the establishment of the Civil government. I do not know enough of the principles on which these questions have been settled to be able to give evidence about them.” But then something with other undercurrents came up: “You will remember my having told you that any evidence I could offer would partake more of the nature of personal opinion than official knowledge. I hold strong opinions about such questions as those of Labour, Land Pass Law Administration, etc., but I should prefer to keep such opinions to myself and not risk the possibility of being made to appear antagonistic to the policy of the Dept. in which I am serving. For above reasons I should be very glad if I could be excused from appearing as a witness before the commission.”

This is the kind of thing where a historian says, “Hm. I wonder what’s going on here?” Might be something, might be nothing. The reply simply indicates receipt of Marwick’s request.

2) The next few letters: Marwick’s letter to his superior asking for legislation allowing greater powers for officials to forcibly return mine laborers to their rural homesteads; a complimentary letter dated 1904 from his supervisor, Godfrey Lagden, about Marwick’s handling of an incident.

3) A long letter concerning Marwick’s 1904 investigation of labor recruitment practices in Bechuanaland [now Botswana] in which Marwick found several officials guilty of abuses and recommended various punishments or disciplinary sanctions.

4) Two letters from a missionary representing one of his converts asking for assistance in returning her husband from the mines of the Rand or at least getting more of a remittance from his wages. Marwick apparently succeeded in getting the man to send more money. Seems connected to his letter to his superior asking for more power to order some miners to return home.

5) The next letter I looked at was a very interesting narrative of a complicated incident that Marwick intervened in, the removal of deposed chief Amos Mathibe and some of his supporters from the Mathibe Trust Lands in 1905. I typed most of the content of the letter into my notes, as it was an interesting case study. Marwick described himself as compelled to take over for the official on the scene, who Marwick implied had made some initial misjudgements in his approach to the problem.

So at this point, the logic of the file seemed rather miscellaneous. Interesting and useful for describing some of the ways that early colonial procedure was often improvised, which was the main argument I was looking to reinforce.

But then suddenly, my sense of the entire file changed, as the question of Marwick’s reluctance to testify returned. A series of short letters which were substantially about references to other, longer, as yet unseen by me letters made it clear that Marwick and his superior Lagden broke into open bureaucratic warfare with each other in 1906, and that this was the occasion of his unwillingness to testify.

This often happens when you’re working through documents. It’s not clear what they’re all about, even though they may be individually interesting, and then suddenly you come across some new vein of meaning that changes everything. What became clear as I read was that all of the other materials were placed in this file by Marwick as pursuant to the dispute. He was assembling evidence of his own competence and more importantly, of his reputation among Africans on the Rand as a fair and trusted official. He was demonstrating that some other officials might hold a grudge against him (the recruiters he disciplined, or the lower official that he overruled). He was documenting that his previous efforts to gain policy changes might have earned him Lagden’s animus, but also recording that before their dispute began, Lagden had a favorable impression of Marwick’s work.

And then I hit paydirt, in relative terms: a comprehensive letter in which Marwick summarizes the entire history of his dispute with Lagden for their mutual superior, tries to justify his actions to date, and puts forth the case for himself. The immediate issue, it turns out, was an effort by Lagden to move Marwick’s position to Pretoria and afterwards to eliminate it as redundant. Marwick dates this back to late 1904, and claims that the dispute was building steadily throughout 1905. But the best part of this lengthy letter is Marwick’s version of a meeting between himself and Lagden in March 1906. Up to that point in the file, there were other short letters from Lagden to his superior complaining about threats made by Marwick in this meeting, most crucially an allegation that Marwick had said he had a file of confidential papers about Lagden’s professional conduct that he would release to the papers in London if Lagden attempted to move or eliminate Marwick’s post.

Marwick gives a minute-by-minute account of the disputed meeting in which he claims that he was speaking of the unhappiness of other disgruntled officials with Lagden’s leadership, and in particular, that one recently retired official had said that he would send his complaints to the newspapers in London in the near future.

“I said that I was not the only officer of the Department who considered he had not been quite fairly treated and I had heard of more than one who failing to get what they considered fair treatment in the Department where as ex-officials waiting for the coming elections to air their grievances.
I stated further that I had heard of one case where a late officer of the Department considered that he had been so unfairly treated that he had sent to England a sealed packet containing a statement of his case which he had as a last resource ordered to be opened in London, should he fail to obtain any consideration in this Country.
I beg to attach hereto a letter dated 17th April 1906 from Mr. Moodie late Clerk to the Sub-Native commissioner at Blaauwberg, and who was the gentleman I referred to but whose name I did not disclose as I had not then his permission to do so.
I deny in toto the construction put upon my words by Sir Godfrey Lagden, who listened to me very impatiently throughout, must have entirely and unwittingly perhaps misunderstood and only partially followed my utterances.”

From this point on, the rest of this particular file of letters concerns the aftermath of this exchange. There’s a draft version of the longer letter that reveals just how carefully worded it is, and how much effort Marwick devoted to getting it right. There are a few follow-up and repeat letters substantially rehashing the longer narrative offered by Marwick, and then the file skips ahead to 1910, when he’s been fired. From there on, it’s about his attempt to gain what he sees as proper pension benefits that acknowledge his period of earlier service in Natal before the South African War. A few later letters add more nuance by suggesting that Marwick and Lagden disagreed about other policies, including how many qualifications officials should have to serve in native administration (Marwick favored more, Lagden seems to have favored less.)

I’m not saying that there’s anything particularly important about this exchange in the grand scheme of southern African history. But it’s a good illustration of why working in the archives can be so pleasurable.

Suddenly I’m on the inside of hundred-year old bureaucratic infighting, and there’s some really interesting detective work to be done, some basic interpretative guesswork. Sure, if that interpretation became deeply material or pivotal in a larger argument I was making, I’d go hunt down secondary sources or check with other scholars in the field to make sure that there wasn’t something missing in my understanding—or I’d go do more archival work in Pretoria and possibly London. (There’s a decent amount out there about Lagden, who was a significant figure, and even Marwick pops up in the scholarship in quite a few places.) But since I’m never really going to do much with this slice of human experience except blog about it, or incorporate it as a shading of arguments that rest on other evidence, I can feel safe about speculating.

So here’s some choices I have: is this dispute entirely about personalities, or was there some larger question about the architecture of the post-South African War government, or specifically in “native administration”, at stake? Is Marwick really defending any kind of meaningful principle in claiming that it is important that his office remain in Johannesburg, or is this just about disliking Lagden or not wanting to be under his thumb in Pretoria? What did Marwick really say in that meeting, and if he himself intimated that he’d send documents to London, what was he really hinting at about Lagden’s conduct? What at the end of the day is really my impression of Marwick’s personality and ethics based on these letters? There’s a real pull to emotionally sympathize with him, but then the skeptic on the other shoulder whispers to remind you that these are his letters, not Lagden’s, and reading them with another pair of lenses, he comes out as vain, obstreperous, and very possibly as guilty of pretty serious insubordination for which he deserved to be fired.

Archives often take you to a juncture like this. You’re rarely without tools that help you decide what to make of a set of documents, but you often still find yourself having to make some basic choices about what happened, what it meant, and whether anyone should care. But even before you get to those choices, there is a kind of secret pleasure that precedes them: a historian in the archives is often a kind of combination of Miss Marple and Mary Worth, a detective, judge and gossip, learning about the complicated art of being human from the traces and fragments of writing that accidentally trail behind individuals and find their way into boxes and files all around the world.

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Good Quote, Bad Quote

Another ongoing feature, an off-shoot of working through my library. I’m going to try and post up interesting short quotations from works. Mostly “good quotes”, but if I come across awkward, reprehensible, or annoying quotes, I’ll slap those up as well. Sometimes I’ll leave it up to you all to decide which it is.

Paul Nugent, Smugglers, Secessionists and Loyal Citizens on the Ghana-Togo Frontier
“The notion that African boundaries were drawn in a haphazard manner and arbitrarily enforced is deeply embedded in perceptions of the colonial past and is often construed as the underlying cause for the troubled state of the continent today. It is distinctive in being shared by laymen and by informed commentators alike. It is, however, a commonplace that at once says too much and too little–too much because it underestimates the extent to which European boundary-makers were guided by indigenous precedents, and too little because it obscures the reality that the practical significance of colonial boundaries varied over time.”

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From the Mixed-Up Bookshelves of Professor Timothy J. Burke

I’ve promised (threatened?) to do something like this before, but I’m really committed now. I’ve been meaning to sit down with my bookshelves and go through them very seriously, to re-examine books I’ve read in the past and read newer books that I haven’t read or have read cursorily. I’m going to combine this with cataloging my shelves in the office and at home with Readerware, and finally alphabetizing my shelves. (This will doubtless disappoint a generation of students who’ve gotten used to me looking distractedly for a book I’ve recommended by trying to remember where I last saw its distinctive spine.)

These aren’t going to be book reviews, more like book notes, commentaries, short observations.
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Edward Tenner, Why Things Bite Back

Useful, accessible discussion of the problem of “unintended consequences” in the history of technology, but he’s less interested in what he calls “reverse revenge” effects, when the unintended consequences of new technological systems are largely positive or beneficial. In many ways, the target here is not technologies per se, but high modernist ideologies of technopolitical change, the hubristic belief that it is possible to comprehensively understand and manage all the consequences of technological change in advance of undertaking such change. (A useful book for some research projects in my History of the Future course.) A bit lightweight when it comes to questions of causality, of the character of systems and networks. Might make a good introduction to a course that was then going to go deeper into that sort of territory.

Paul Nugent, Smugglers, Secessionists and Loyal Citizens on the Ghana-Togo Frontier

I may complain about the dominance of the monograph from time to time, but this is the kind of book that makes you appreciate just how important a function the monograph serves in scholarly communities. Some monographs are plodding and obvious, but this book is full of original insights and important data within the context of 20th Century African history. Its benefits are most obvious within the context of specialized scholarly inquiry, but it might even be a surprisingly engaging read for a more generalist audience with an interest in African history and some knowledge of the standard or received wisdom about colonial and postcolonial African history. The title is misleading in that it makes the book sound like an exceptionally narrow account of a very particular subject, but in a way, what Nugent is offering is a comprehensive history of the colonial era outside of the three dominant historiographical paradigms. Frequently Africanists do histories that are defined either by nations, ethnic groups or a single major social category: a history of Ghana, a history of the Ewe, a history of workers or women. Occasionally we write instead about institutions. What Nugent’s done here is write about places, practices, institutions, but in ways that subtly (and occasionally not-so-subtly) reorder the way people in my field talk about nations, ethnicities, social groups or institutions with implications for our understanding of the overall history of European colonialism in Africa.

Posted in Books, The Mixed-Up Bookshelves | 6 Comments