Show Some Class

Living in Zimbabwe for about a year and a half in two separate stays, one in the early 1990s, one near the end of the same decade, I found that there were a number of basic things about the government and its connections to everyday life that I had a deep, primal loathing for, things I never, ever wanted to see in the United States. Now, mind you, this is all before the spectacular economic and political disasters of the last five years in Zimbabwe. I’m talking about small things, not grotesque flaming gestures of misrule, about the ordinary behavior of civil servants.

1) Mind-boggling lines at all government offices combined with the extensive assertion of government supervision or authority over most aspects of everyday life. Now I grant you waiting in line at the DMV in any U.S. state is no picnic, but the lines that Zimbabweans routinely endured in the 1990s (and the churlishness of the civil servants handling the lines) make the worst DMV experience you’ve had child’s play by comparison. When you coupled the lines with having to fill out Rhodesian-era paperwork by the boatload and the insistence of the government on regulating phone services, etc., an awful lot of one’s life ended up involving waiting, in the good old bad days before the new bad days where the government concentrates more on torturing and starving its own people. Americans gripe a lot, but our civil service is reasonably efficient in most respects by this standard of comparison.

2) Crudely pro-government media coverage in both outlets controlled directly by the state and those it dominates in some fashion, plus sycophantic public statements by ruling party members and their hangers-on. Here, as I’ve noted before, the U.S. is beginning to tiptoe uncomfortably close to the tinpot standard established by regimes like Zimbabwe’s.

3) High levels of arbitrary or petty exercises of authoritarian behavior by police, customs officials, soldiers and assorted bureaucrats. Such as hassling people who are taking pictures of public places or government offices, bugging people for no reason when they’re travelling, or threatening people on the street who move or appear disrespectful of the Presidential motorcade when it comes through town. We appear to be sliding towards this abyss as well.

4) Adulatory pictures of the President in every possible public place plus highly choreographed gestures of adulation and cult-of-personality celebration wherever the President is seen in public. Uh-oh, that’s starting to crop up here and there too in the US, though I suppose generically that’s really just the art of politics. It’s just the crassness in 1990s Zimbabwe that got to me, the graven-idol character of it.

5) Mind-boggling levels of governmental incompetence coupled with flagrant corruption. Again, this is before the flaming car wreck of the last five years in Zimbabwe. While every once in a while, local municipalities in the US make a real go at achieving comparably disastrous malfeasance, we haven’t managed to touch some of the special achievements of both local and national government in Zimbabwe in the 1980s and 1990s.

What concerns me first about cops hassling people with cameras, extensive choreographing of public adulation, or the government seeding the news media with pro-government stories is that they lack class. This is before I get to the issue of having a government respectful of rights and bound by laws, and the threat to that kind of government that’s inherent in these kinds of behaviors.

What I had the most primal, hackle-raising reaction to while living in Zimbabwe was the cheap, shabby, lack of class the government habitually demonstrated. That was before it really put the pedal to the medal to demonstrate its dictatorial chops, even before it set out to systematically rubbish every positive asset and resource Zimbabwe possessed once upon a time. That’s how I feel first and foremost now when I read about some official goofball harassing some guy on the Staten Island ferry for having roleplaying manuals in his backpack, or some cop trying to prevent someone from videotaping them, or some political flack hauling a guy out of a rally for President Bush because he’s wearing an anti-Bush t-shirt: it lacks class.

Just as much as the guys who rush to every complaint of this kind by saying, “That’s what we need to do to protect ourselves from terrorists! You won’t be whining when some terrorist blows your house up!” That’s exactly what Zimbabwean sycophants used to whine when someone complained about this sort of thing in Zimbabwe in the early 1990s: “I see, you must be a supporter of apartheid terrorism! You must not believe in the right of Zimbabweans to make their own laws! You must be some kind of colonialist!” That lacks class, too. Come on: we’ve all had to deal with the crossing-guard or hall-monitor who goes crazy with the miniscule fraction of power given them: is it so hard to grant that some of the employees of the TSA, or a few cops, or a high school principal, or political operative for the President are doing the same? It starts to become a systematic rather than idiosyncratic issue precisely when too many people make excuses for this kind of sleazy, careless, petty behavior. That’s exactly when we slide from a few isolated cases of stupidity to a real threat to our rights and maybe more immediately our dignity. Humiliation and even needless wasting of time and energy aren’t just trivial matters: what makes living in America feel so free, in part, is that you can go about your business easily, that government officials mostly act sensibly and with consideration for citizens, that you don’t have to be worried about randomly humiliated. This is what African-Americans are right to complain about in some parts of the United States, that they don’t have that freedom or comfort; it would be bad to lose ground in that respect and have everyone end up in the same abject situation rather than levelling the playing field to liberate everyone from it.

I don’t want to overreact to useful security procedures. A cop shouldn’t stop someone from taking pictures, but he might want to observe someone quietly who is extensively photographing industrial infrastructure. A TSA official can be vigilant without being an asshole. The point is that the American public has every reason to expect that the everyday operations of government will be sensible and classy, and every right to complain when they’re not.

Posted in Africa, Politics | 3 Comments

Image of Africa Syllabus

Here’s the syllabus for one of my fall courses. I’ve taught it before, but this is a fairly substantial fiddling with some of what I’ve done in the past. It’s a topic also that I’ve really changed my pedagogical orientation on: when I started teaching the class, I saw myself as exposing students to what I knew to be the consequences of this history, of teaching about the sources and causes of racism and of the imagined placement of Africa within global society. The more I’ve taught (and thought about) this subject matter, the less certain I’ve become about that.

This is one of the reasons I feel such antipathy for the way that “political bias” gets described by David Horowitz and his allies. A syllabus is like a picture: there are things inside the frame and things outside the frame. A syllabus has to have exclusions and inclusions, and both have to be principled, have to have some reasoning behind them. A syllabus, any syllabus, has an argument to it. Even Introductory Macroeconomics has a “politics”, in that it assumes that the subjects covered under the heading of macroeconomics are productively studied and understood through the lens of economics as a discipline, and proceeds from that assumption. But one would hardly want a professor teaching that course to feel obligated to accomodate that political objection, any more than I should design this syllabus around accomodating someone who thinks that representations or cultural history are completely irrelevant things to study regardless of what they’re about.

Good teaching isn’t about draining out all of the argument, all of the framing, all of the pointedness of a course, about eschewing “bias” to the point of becoming bland, neutral and terrified of giving offense to any viewpoint or orthodoxy. It’s about being exploratory, open to new thoughts and new angles, about evolutions to your teaching, and about welcoming all responses from all students. A strong Afrocentrist would certainly not be happy with the implied argument of my syllabus, but I’d want that person to feel welcome in the course, and provisioned with plenty of materials that allow them a legitimate “angle of attack” on the subject as I set it out. I wouldn’t be happy with anyone who was an obstructionist in the way they approached the class, of course, and that’s another important issue. A class can be open to all points of view, but it has to involve a willingness to play with ideas and consider challenges, whatever it is that you bring with you to the subject matter.

——————–

History 86 Image of Africa
Professor Burke
Fall 2005
Swarthmore College

This course is about the history of representations, of images both visual and textual, of the way Africa has been imagined, depicted, fantasized about in European cultures, among African-Americans, and in U.S. popular culture.

One of the common assertions of multiculturalism and identity politics is that images of this kind are crucial in influencing how people think and act in the world, that they are a continuing source or cause of discrimination and inequality. This course is intended to skeptically examine such assertions, to open up the debate. Nothing should be taken for granted or as a given in this course: how and whether representations mattered in the past or still matter in the present should be considered an open and complex question. We will look at how images and constructions of Africa have taken the shape that they have over time, and what they have meant and still mean to their audiences.

Course requirements:

2 short (3-4 pp.) papers
1 long (15-20 pp.) paper, with some research required
Regular attendance
Participation in discussion and an informed engagement with assigned materials

All students are required to make one contribution over the course of the semester to a weblog page tracking images or representations of African in popular culture and the media.

August 30th

Introduction

Trope, representation, social construction

The missionary in the cannibal’s cookpot: a historical tour of an image
Intertextuality is hard!

September 1st

Lecture:
Medieval monstrosities and early modern European ideas about the world
Comparative frameworks for “the stranger”
The problem of origins in history

September 6th

Lecture:
The evolving context of Europe and Africa, 1750-1920

September 8th

Lecture/discussion:
Race and the idea of the “savage”: religion and science in the 18th and 19th Centuries
Causality: what drives changes in representations over time?

Reading: Z.S. Strother, “Display of the Body Hottentot”, in Linfors, ed., Africans on Stage: Studies in Ethnological Show Business

September 13

Explorers and the production of representations

Readings: Mungo Park; Henry Morton Stanley; Carl Mauch; Richard Burton (Blackboard)

September 15

Colonialism, ethnography, photography

Readings: Christraud Geary, In and Out of Focus

Also: Search eBay with the keywords “Africa postcard”.

September 17

Images in motion: the Denver African Expedition

Reading: Robert J. Gordon, Picturing Bushmen. Chapter 1-3, 5, 7 and Conclusion. Also be sure to look at the photographs referenced in the text.

September 20th

Exhibitionary culture I

Reading: Lindfors, Africans on Stage. Chapter Three and Four

September 22

Exhibitionary culture II

Reading: Lindfors, Africans on Stage, Chapter Seven, Eight and Nine

September 27

King Solomon’s Mines

Reading: H. Rider Haggard, King Solomon’s Mines

September 29

NO CLASS

October 4th

Tarzan

Reading: Edgar Rice Burroughs, Tarzan of the Apes

Paper #1 due at beginning of class. NO LATE PAPERS.

October 5th

Showing of Sanders of the River (7pm)

October 6th

Comics and Boys’ Own Adventures

Reading: Kai Friese, ”White Skin, Black Mask”, Transition 80: 1999, pp. 4-17. (Read online at JSTOR) ; Herge, Tintin au Congo

FALL BREAK

October 18th

Theories of Colonialism and Representation
Edward Said, Orientalism, pp. 1-91; pp. 285-328

October 20th

Lecture:
Said as Model; Alternatives to Said

Mitchell; Richards; McClintock; Prakash, Bhabha: “colonial discourse”

Thomas, Porter, Cannadine, Scott: lived complexities of empire

Gary Taylor on cultural adaptation; Susan Blackmore on memes

October 25th

Lecture
Africa in America; the diaspora discovers itself
The problem of Oladauh Equiano

TOPIC SELECTION FOR LONG PAPER due.

October 27th

Liberia

Reading: Wilson Jeremiah Moses, Liberian Dreams, Introduction, pp. 24-38, pp.58-67; pp.87-114; pp.122-124; pp.130-140; pp.150-168

November 1st

Liberia and Garveyism

Reading: Ibrahim Sundiata, Brothers and Strangers

November 3rd

Travels to Africa

Readings: Kennedy, Black Livingstone; Hughes, Big Sea; Lamming, Passages; Harris, Native Stranger; Charles Patterson, “What is Africa to Me?”, Transition 1964

Paper #2 due at the beginning of class.

November 8th

Afrocentrism

Molefi Kete Asante, Afrocentricity
Kelefa Sanneh, “After the Beginning Again: The Afrocentric Ordeal”, Transition 2001, 10:3 (read online at JSTOR)

November 10th

Tejumola Olaniyan, “Return of the Native Son”, Transition, 72: 1996. (read online at JSTOR)
Alexis Sindhuhije, “Welcome to America” Transition 78:1998. (read online at JSTOR)
Paulla Ebron, Performing Africa, Chapter Seven

Coming to America (clips)
Shaft in Africa (clips)
Richard Pryor clip

November 15th

Henry Louis Gates, Wonders of the African World (video viewing)
Various responses to Gates’ series

November 17th

Lecture:
Africa in US Popular Culture, 1940-present: a visual overview

One-paragraph précis of long paper’s argument and outline due at beginning of class

November 22nd

Michael Crichton, Congo

November 29th

Barbara Kingsolver, Poisonwood Bible

December 1st

Alexander McCall Smith, Ladies No. 1 Detective Agency

December 6th
“Second contact”: African recirculations of Western images (visual presentation)
So what?
Chickens and eggs: the causality of the representation
The hidden mechanisms of cultural reproduction
The redemption of images and the making of consciousness

December 17th: FINAL PAPER DUE. No late papers, no extensions.

Posted in Academia, Africa, Popular Culture | 12 Comments

Constitutional

There are really only a small handful of historical cases where constitutions have actually exerted real authority over later generations, have actually organized or channeled social and political conflicts. Mostly modern constitutions are like bad peace accords between fundamentally antagonistic groups: a pause in a longer process of conflict. Even the US Constitution had that aspect to it, that it deferred a bloody and inevitable confrontation about slavery.

If the Iraqi Constitution cannot answer the question of why there should be an Iraq, it is because the elites writing it (and the occupying authority anxiously supervising the writing of it) cannot answer that question convicingly. The fault is not in the constitution itself, but the constitution is no solution, either.

Some blame the British-written constitution of Nigeria at independence for the Biafran civil war and persistent rumblings of secession or partition ever since. Not really, though the whistling past the graveyard in that original constitution didn’t help. It’s not even the classic old saw that Nigeria was a completely artificial entity made by colonialism, blah blah blah. Zambia’s a completely artificial entity. The Democratic Republic of Congo’s a completely artificial entity. The boundaries of Nigeria actually have some vague correspondence to actual historical connections between precolonial African societies, but the problem is that those connections were largely antagonistic or at least competitive between the societies of the forest and the societies of the savannah, woven together by the braids of the Niger River as it empties towards the sea. It’s not inconceivable that the remnants of Oyo and the territory encompassed by Sokoto could have reached towards some larger political amalgamation, but a constitution, no matter how written, could not do that in and of itself. It would have taken finding some pressing reason to make that union, something shared that was a positive product of local experience as opposed to a negative and reactive opposition to outside force.

If the Iraqis writing the constitution are just writing the prelude to partition, then the most helpful thing the US could do might be to midwife that partition now rather than deny its inevitability later. If the authors of the constitution can’t find a thing that makes them all Iraqi besides colonial inheritance and authoritarian repression by Saddam Hussein, then maybe there is no such thing to find. I can’t help but think that Nigeria might have been better off as three nations, or at least two. I’m sure that the Congo would have been better off as three or four nations.

Posted in Africa, Politics | 2 Comments

Non-Issue



Much discussion of men who can’t handle seeing their wives give birth.

It’s one thing to have a hang-up and want to work it out in therapy and all that. If I know you and you’ve got that hang-up, I still think you’re a fine person, no judgement. But it’s another thing to publish in the NY Times a suggestion that there’s some kind of social problem, a group or class of issues that deserves some kind of structured sympathy. As a general response: suck it up, guys. Which does not cancel out my specific sympathy for some specific individual who may have a problem–but sympathy is not endorsement. It’s perfectly reasonable to expect that the norm should be to distinguish between your partner giving birth and your sexual desire for your partner, and that those who experience a moment of emotional vertigo should just get over it.

Posted in Miscellany | 4 Comments

Timothy the Grouch

I’m going to be a bit of a grumpus about The Ministry of Reshelving. There’s a simple reason to object to this strategy.

The simple reason is that some folks on the left simply don’t seem to grasp that any tactic in the culture war is now highly symmetrical in its potential application. Once upon a time, only a Yippie would nominate a pig for President because the right identified itself as establishment and above that kind of thing. Now the cultural or populist right is perfectly content to mirror any and all tactics employed by the left in the cultural arena. Boycotts, marches, sit-ins, agit-prop films, giant puppets and subversive stunts: you name it, the populist right can do it too, and sometimes with considerable success. You do your theater of the absurd, they do their affirmative action bake sales.

So you don’t want to start something like this because if people actually start doing it, it’s extremely likely to spawn a mirroring imitation on the right. Michael Moore off to the fiction section, etcetera etcetera. And this is likely to be a feedback loop: we’ve already seen similar things happen. They send one of yours to the hospital, you send one of theirs to the morgue. As a one-off gesture, I don’t think this is actually all that much of a hassle for anyone, including bookstore employees. You get all the mileage you need out of just suggesting it, tongue-in-cheek. Trying to actually encourage people to go out and do it is a sign that there’s a lot of people out there who need to make themselves feel better more than they want to think about what actually accomplishes anything politically in the wider world.

But the actual danger here, as everywhere in culture war, that it won’t be a one-off. I don’t particularly want to go into a bookstore and have to spend an hour figuring out where some right-wing sod decided to hide a book I want that he disapproves of. I don’t particularly think bookstores want to have to devote increasing numbers of hours to finding those books.

I actually like subversion and mockery as political tactics, but I think they’re most effective (and amusing) as one-off statements or performances. (And also if they’re uniquely creative). I enjoy teaching in my consumerism class about the “Barbie Liberation Front’s” infamous hacking of Barbie dolls, but if every Christmas, there were three or four thousand people reverse-shoplifting crudely altered Barbie and GI Joe dolls into stores, I think you’d lose any value from the single stunt and merely garner a lot of antagonism from annoyed kids and parents. I think this is what bugs me so much about cultural warriors: they don’t seem to have a model of consequences. Either of the consequences of action in the sense of “what is this likely to do to positively affect the conscience of people who we hope to persuade” and equally, “what if this gesture starts to become a pattern or pervasive tactic”? Because I still think that the left, broadly speaking, benefits more from a free and informed society than the right does. Why would we want to bring chaos and disorder to the circulation of information and political discourse? I’m sure that’s an overreaction on my part, but you have to think about what happens if “reshelving” becomes a political fad or even a standardized political gesture among both left and right, and it’s hardly inconceivable that it would if enough people head down to their local Borders and move the Orwell–or even if enough people chortle on blogs about how they plan to do so.

Posted in Politics | 15 Comments

Intelligent Design: A Small Point, a Medium Point and a Big Point

Lots and lots of good responses recently out there about the problem of “intelligent design” and its assault on science, reason and educational standards. I have three contributions to the ongoing discussion.

1) Increasingly advocates for intelligent design who aren’t just offering undisguised religious arguments are turning to “complexity” or “information science” to try and shore up their arguments. The most generous thing you could say about this strategy is that it may be offered honestly by people who’ve read a work or two of science fiction that touches on complexity and emergence and carelessly skimmed Steven Johnson’s Emergence. More often, I think it’s another kind of flim-flam intended to briefly nonpluss scientific opponents and razzle-dazzle members of the public who may not be biblical literalists but who think that there’s something about this invocation of “complexity” that sounds like common sense.

I kind of understand what’s going on here. When I first took an interest in complexity, emergence, autonomous agents and related topics, I have to confess I was privately thinking that somewhere in this subject matter was a thermodynamic miracle, a magic trick. I was more thinking that about human consciousness than I was the evolution of life (and I’m still inclined to think that mechanistic approaches to consciousness are flawed). It took me only a little while, however, to see that expectation was a perceptual flaw, related to the common tendency of observers to anthropomorphize when watching examples of agent-based emergent phenomena. Everyone who watches a program like NetLogo has a tendency to ascribe intention and will to the agents: “They’re trying to build a circle”. I think it has to do with a kind of cognitive algorithim we use to divide life from non-life when we observe the world. The same tendency makes us think when a system goes from simple beginnings to a systemically complex later state that there must be some hidden driver, plan, purpose or blueprint that is making that change happen. But completely contrary to what the intelligent design people suggest, there are a great many well-documented, empirically observable cases in the natural and human world in which complex results are obtained from simple initial conditions. Moreover, there’s no thermodynamic miracle: the people who think so are hopelessly parochial. They’re forgetting that the local phenomena they are observing do not exist in thermodynamic isolation from the larger universe. Once you situate life on Earth in the larger context of the solar system, the Milky Way galaxy, the Local Group, the universe itself, as well as in the context not just of new species but the death or loss of old ones, there’s nothing inexplicable about it.

2) On the atheism point. Here I do think there’s a delicate tightrope that needs to be walked carefully. There’s nothing wrong with being both an evolutionary biologist and an atheist, and no reason to smother or or suppress either. However, I think it’s a tactical error at the least to insist that the former intellectually obligates the latter. That may be so in the particular intellect of a given person, but it’s not inevitable. I don’t think there’s any reason to regard someone who has a view of God as the uncaused cause as inevitably having a suspect understanding of evolutionary biology, or even a person who believes in a loving, intervening God as such. I think this much most scientists would agree on, either philosophically or at least as a matter of political realism. There’s a more delicate problem lying beyond that agreement, however. I’ve written about this a bit before in terms of the role of science and expertise in American public life, that at least some of the ground that intelligent design has gained in recent years rests on a deeper antipathy for the way that scientists and technocrats work within and alongside the state to intervene in everyday life.

There’s a kind of popular antipathy towards the interventions of science that is fed by the entrepreneurial activities of some experts who claim the authority of science (often at the protestation of scientists), often in the name of dubious or contestable “facts”. I continue, for example, to be frustrated by the weakness of many studies of the effects of modern media, that once you look closely at the design of such studies, or at the very small effect sizes, you ought take all but the very best with a gigantic grain of salt even if you’re predisposed to their conclusions. Yet there is a huge establishment of policymakers and experts who operate at the peri-professional boundaries of scientific practice who unselfconsciously will proclaim that such tenuous, debatable studies “scientifically” prove their case and justify the construction of huge policy interventions of various kinds.

Deeper still, I think that one of the things fueling the whole debate is the pop-culture representation of the scientist as supreme rationalist, the kind of second-cousin to Javert that Terry Gilliam was aiming his barbs at in The Adventures of Baron Munchausen. Think of all the entertainments and works of literature you’ve seen where “scientists” show up as white-coated, cold-hearted, amoral figures who cannot accept magic or mystery. Yes, there are important counter-examples of the scientist as hero, or even as the magician himself, the person who romantically brings mystery, beauty and change to our lives. That image works to the advantage of scientists in the debate over intelligent design, so I think it’s important not to feed the other stereotype too quickly or readily. Science should be the enemy of unreason, falsehood, ignorance, but I don’t think it has to be the enemy of awe, mystery or the sublime. Neither do any scientists I know, and that’s something worth reminding the wider public.

3) On mystery from another angle. I guess one thing I’m wondering lately is whether it’s ever worth arguing with a believer about the things he or she believes in terms of trying to point out something about the belief itself within its own terms and self-presentation. For example, is it ever worth arguing with an Islamic fundamentalist who supports suicide bombing that the religious traditions of Islam seem to clearly proscribe or forbid suicide? On the intelligent design question, is it ever worth observing, as Cosma Shalizi did, that many formulations of intelligent design are actually profoundly disrespectful of some of the most central ideas in the religious history of Christianity? For example, there’s really only a very limited number of escape hatches from the problem of evil in God’s universe, if you’re a Christian. One is that evil is God’s punishment for original sin, but the most rigorous formulations of that idea don’t have the widespread support in evangelical Christianity that they once did. More popular and commonly offered is that we cannot understand the mystery of God’s creation and the purpose of humankind within it, that evil may serve some function which we cannot hope to fully understand precisely because we are not God. That’s certainly the kind of view that many Christians offer as a everyday, commonsensical explanation of why bad things happen to good people. But look then at how intelligent design plows right through the mystery of God’s creation and purpose, how it banalizes God, harnesses Him. As Shalizi says, ID essentially says, “Look, God made the world just as we would have.” If God really means to reveal his design in the world, wouldn’t the contemplation of the world lead us deeper into mystery and the sublime?

A more potent example that’s often on my mind, and a reason why my own childhood encounter with religious education was short: is it ever worth arguing with biblical literalism in literalist terms? I found in my own experience when I pushed the nun who was teaching CCD about the contradictions in the Bible, I didn’t get very good answers. Most of them were just the old saw that the New Testament was a fulfillment of the Old rather than a contradiction or repudiation of it, which is just dodging the problem. Basically, a very serious literalist runs into deep, deep problems in the second half of the Old Testament, when about the only way to reconcile some of what God’s doing there with a modern worldview, even a markedly religious one, is to say that what we’re seeing are metaphors about God and man, not literal descriptions of what God did. It ought to be possible, if you’re moderately well educated about the actual contents of the Bible, to question a literalist argument in its own terms, including one about creation and evolution. But my own experience suggests that it’s not especially productive: you very rapidly hit a point in the discussion where the literalist cuts out, or reduces the dialogue to being purely about social enmity (e.g., that they don’t need to talk to you, because your aims are purely mischievious or destructive).

Still, I continue to wonder why this isn’t a more potent kind of fracture within the creationist or intelligent design coalition. Why don’t more devout Christians regard the attempt to rationalize faith as science as a dubious, even profane, exercise? Why do some Christians seem to need the crutch of justifying their faith through pseudo-science? Why isn’t Christianity itself, and its considerable intellectual and philosophical heritage, the best and most powerful answer to the intellectual sleaziness of most intelligent design advocacy?

Posted in Miscellany, Politics | 35 Comments

She’s a Riot

South Africa’s Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka comments that South Africa can learn a lot from Zimbabwe’s land reform, namely, how to do it faster. South Africa needs a bit of “oomph”, she says, and maybe should get some colleagues from Zimbabwe to come and advise on how to get that oomph. Polite laughter.

South Africa’s an interesting case. Can a constitutional process of transition, a good political precedent in the practices of the first democratically elected leader, a political culture that prizes dissent, and the best hopes of many millions be enough to keep the consistently bad impulses of nationalist political leaders from self-destruction?

Posted in Africa | 2 Comments

Keep On Snitching

The latest and most depressing challenge for anti-violence activists in Philadelphia.

Those shirts, following on the infamous Baltimore DVD aimed at witness intimidation, really move me to some irrational feelings of anger. There’s no excuse for walking around with that message on you.

Posted in Politics | 10 Comments

Mistakes Were Made

The shuttle’s coming back tomorrow or Tuesday, depending on weather, if they have no other problems. Let’s pray that they don’t. After it returns, who knows? Best case scenario, NASA spends a few more millions, fixes the foam problem more successfully, the shuttle flies again until its next serious problem.

I stand behind no one in my enthusiasm for space flight. I’d much rather federal money go to unmanned space exploration and even manned space exploration than many other government programs, for a variety of reasons, not the least of which is the sheer pleasure it provides earthbound humans.

But let’s face it: the shuttle program by any standard is a gigantic disaster. A mistake. The space station is an even bigger one: it’s pointless in the extreme. It can’t even serve as a meaningful preparation for more ambitious human activities in space in its current form. It exists at this point because it has attracted a sufficient client base that making it not exist would require expending considerable political capital.

There are a lot of institutional programs like that. It’s not just a “government” thing. Companies do it, universities do it, any human organization does it. A program gets started with the best of intentions, or as an attempt to politically manage an earlier era of controversy and conflict. The program creates its own political base in short order. Getting rid of it at that point, even if it makes no sense to anyone save those who receive direct benefits, is extremely difficult. The state of Pennsylvania, among its many governmental follies, has monopolized liquor and wine sales. The entire program is profoundly stupid and serves no genuine public interest, almost everyone knows it, but it’s nearly impossible to eliminate because the state liquor bureaucracy is a significant employer in parts of the state where very few other sources of employment exist.

Call this post an early 21st-Century search for “Profiles in Courage”: I’m interested in examples of government officials, bureaucratic authorities or institutional leaders who in relatively recent times have been willing, in a relatively disinterested and nonpartisan manner, to say that some program supported by their own party or colleagues or organization was a mistake, have been willing to take the heat for the waste and loss of investment in the mistake, and have been able to see through the dismantling of the mistake even to the point of losing their jobs or office over it. This has more than a little relevance to our current political situation: the major suspense about the American political future is about who is going to be stuck having to be a grown-up about past mistakes.

I’m honestly curious about and eager to hear about good examples of people in power who’ve stepped up to the plate when it’s clear that some very costly and possibly well-meaning project is just not going to work.

Posted in Politics | 21 Comments

More Microflowers…and a Dog

Posted in Miscellany | 7 Comments