Comments on: Playing Reindeer Games https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/ Culture, Politics, Academia and Other Shiny Objects Wed, 06 May 2009 14:33:03 +0000 hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.4.15 By: dollabrand https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-6542 Wed, 06 May 2009 14:33:03 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-6542 quite late, but I wrote this review on Holland’s book:

http://www.thenational.ae/article/20080821/REVIEW/322698170

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By: peter55 https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-5192 Thu, 10 Apr 2008 16:56:29 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-5192 RA — That is a good question. I think part of the answer lies in the way in which majority rule was achieved in Zimbabwe (ie, a negotiated settlement with neither side completely defeating the other militarily), which gave an impetus to non-violent methods after Independence. Part of the answer may also lie in the historical traditions of maShona culture, which I believe typically favoured diplomacy and shifting alliances over outright warfare. And part of the answer lies in ZANU-PF’s experience in exile, particularly in Mozambique and (to a lesser extent) in Angola. In those countries the ZANU-PF leadership saw first-hand the severe economic and social consequences of a rapid emigration of a skilled minority and the subsequent loss of private-sector investment; this experience no doubt tempered many proposals for retaliation.

Although, I have to say I heard many a speech at the University of Zimbabwe urging complete expulsion of the white community and/or nationalisation of white-owned assets (down to, and including, state employment of their servants) in the first few years after Independence. I don’t believe Mugabe’s policy of national reconciliation was that popular with black emigres, with liberation soldiers, or with the left of ZANU-PF, and for that reason, I think it was brave of Mugabe to adopt it. That is another reason for thinking it was sincere, at least at the time.

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By: nord https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-5191 Thu, 10 Apr 2008 11:02:04 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-5191 “continued obstructionist attitudes ” & “support (positive) efforts to correct inequality”

I understand your arguments for supporting the statements, but see a very slippery slope with the need for democratic governments to balance individual/group rights and popular will. The ANC has occasionally made similar attacks on the DA for obstruction. With some evidence. Certainly Uganda had ethnic minority communities that owned property and were obstructionist to the non-democratic government. It seems too easy to say to a wealthy minority community, “if you don’t do X willingly, we’ll do it the hard way”.

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By: Random African https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-5189 Wed, 09 Apr 2008 19:56:07 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-5189 Peter,

How does your mention of the dominance of men of violence in majority politics fits with your argument about the reconciliation efforts being genuine ?

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By: Random African https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-5188 Wed, 09 Apr 2008 19:53:22 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-5188 Can any wealthy racial/ethnic/religious minority living in a (developing) democratic country have a long-term place there ?

Yeah. Although usually such minority makes efforts to fit in and/or to support (positive) efforts to correct inequality. Many, may be most, Zimbabwean Whites do neither.

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By: peter55 https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-5185 Wed, 09 Apr 2008 08:21:31 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-5185 Nord —

“to blame an entire racial group for the actions of some of its members is pretty harsh”

You are correct to say this is harsh. However, it is certainly just in this case. In two successive elections, those held just prior to Independence in 1980 and those held in 1985, the white community of Zimbabwe voted overwhelmingly for Ian Smith and his colleagues from the former Rhodesian Front party, despite (or because of) its continued obstructionist attitudes to Zimbabwean majority rule.

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By: nord https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-5183 Wed, 09 Apr 2008 01:27:07 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-5183 Tim, I agree that holding countries to an even standard is bringing them into the fold. The challenge is doing that in an environment where few countries can or will apply those standards – or even agree on the definitions of “fraud, corruption, cronyism”. I suspect many on the UN Human Rights Council cannot distinguish between Bush and Mugabe.

Peter, can any wealthy racial/ethnic/religious minority living in a (developing) democratic country have a long-term place there? In any event, to blame an entire racial group for the actions of some of its members is pretty harsh, but sadly quite common.

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By: peter55 https://blogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/blog/2008/04/08/playing-reindeer-games/comment-page-1/#comment-5181 Tue, 08 Apr 2008 21:37:38 +0000 http://weblogs.swarthmore.edu/burke/?p=553#comment-5181 Having lived in Zimbabwe in the first several years after Independence, I disagree with your assessment of Robert Mugabe’s policy of reconciliation. I believe that the policy was sincere at the time. Even recognizing the reality of power when he took office, there was no need for him to meet privately each week with Ian Smith as he did for the first two whole years following Independence, especially since these meetings were not trumpeted. (Mugable stopped the meetings after learning that Smith was mispresenting their discussions to others, and particularly exaggerating Smith’s influence over decisions.) There was no need to keep Smith’s Director of Central Intelligence, Ken Flower, in post for as long as Mugabe did, or to appoint an independent white jurist, John Fieldsend as Chief Justice. There was no need for Robert Mugabe to dance with Smith’s wife, Janet, or Sally Mugabe with Ian Smith, as they did at a dinner-dance for a meeting of the African Parliamentary Union held in Salisbury (as it still was) in 1981. These actions do not strike me as those of someone doing the bare minimum he could get away with to accommodate existing power structures while secretly securing a position to overthrow them.

And, although I certainly don’t defend at all the terror campaign waged by the Zimbabwe Army’s 5 Brigade in Matabeleland in 1982-3, it has to be recalled that Joshua Nkomo publicly admitted having unsucccessfully sought the help of the (then-white minority) South African Government to stage a coup against Mugabe, at a press conference Nkomo gave upon his dismissal from Cabinet in February 1982. It is easy to forget also that the years of 1980 – 1983 saw an ongoing campaign of terrorist actions (bombings and assassinations) in Zimbabwe by disgruntled whites and/or white south african infiltrators. The arch erected to celebrate Independence on the road to the airport was blown up, for instance, and the ANC representative in Zimbabwe, Joe Gqabi. murdered. (And only next door, the Government of Mozambique faced a very serious South-African sponsored terror campaign in the guise of an uprising by those fascist butchers, Renamo). The tense atmosphere in Zimbabwe was not one invented by the Zimbabwe Government for propaganda purposes, but was very real to people there at the time. Not even a saint, and we know Mugabe was not that, could have continued to believe in a policy of national reconciliation with a commmunity which responded to the policy with a terrorism campaign. As late as 1986, fully six years after majority rule, I attended a gathering of white (mostly afrikaans-speaking) farmers in Mashonaland Central who had still not permitted black people to attend their church services.

It strikes me that the historical tragedy of Zimbabwe is twofold. First, that the white settler population, by delaying majority rule for so long, ensured that men of violence would dominate majority politics when it came. And, second, that, by rejecting the hand of reconciliation offered them at Independence, the white community ensured that it would have no long term place in Zimbabwe.

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